presentazione Teatro Bibiena, Mantova, 7 settembre 2017
Vorrei porre a confronto tre Giorni della memoria per sottolineare punti di contatto e divergenze, scarti tra premesse ed esiti. Li nomino in ordine cronologico, come li incontriamo nel libro:
– Giorno della memoria, il 27 gennaio, istituito nel 2000 su proposta del deputato DS Furio Colombo. Coincide con il giorno dell’apertura dei cancelli di Auschwitz nel 1945.
– Giorno del ricordo, il 10 febbraio, istituito nel 2004, lo stesso giorno in cui nel 1947 l’Italia firmava a Parigi i trattati di pace con le potenze alleate sul confine orientale, secondo il quale le province di Zara, Fiume, Pola e buona parte del Triestino passavano nelle mani della Jugoslavia.
– Giorno della memoria delle vittime del terrorismo e delle stragi di tale matrice, il 9 maggio. Istituito nel 2007 su iniziativa di alcuni parenti di vittime del terrorismo (Rossa, Calipari), coincide con il giorno dell’uccisione di Aldo Moro, il 9 maggio 1978.
Un primo commento riguarda i testi delle leggi. E’ ovvio che l’aumento degli appuntamenti dedicati alla memoria restringa il loro carattere inclusivo. Il 27 gennaio, infatti, il primo in ordine di istituzione e di posizione nel calendario, è molto inclusivo. E’ “in ricordo dello sterminio e delle persecuzioni del popolo ebraico e dei deportati militari e politici italiani nei campi nazisti”. Precisa all’art. 1 che il ricordo concerne “la Shoah (sterminio del popolo ebraico), le leggi razziali, la persecuzione italiana dei cittadini ebrei, gli italiani che hanno subìto la deportazione, la prigionia, la morte, nonchè coloro che, anche in campi e schieramenti diversi, si sono opposti al progetto di sterminio, ed a rischio della propria vita hanno salvato altre vite e protetto i perseguitati”. Se l’arco di tempo preso in considerazione va dal 1938, data di promulgazione delle leggi razziali, al 1945, apertura dei cancelli di Auschwitz, le persone da ricordare sono indistintamente tutti gli italiani, ebrei, politici e militari, perseguitati dai nazisti e dai fascisti (persecuzione italiana dei cittadini ebrei) ma anche coloro che li hanno aiutati e protetti, cioè i Giusti. Prima che il 6 marzo 2012 divenisse, su proposta di Gariwo, la Giornata europea dei Giusti. Vittime e salvatori, dunque, in una cornice storica più ampia di quella generalmente attribuita alla deportazione. L’accenno alle leggi razziali è estremamente significativo nell’attribuire alla dittatura fascista la primogenitura della emarginazione e persecuzione degli ebrei italiani.
All’art.2, la legge spiega invece dettagliatamente le modalità della celebrazione, anch’esse quanto mai inclusive: cerimonie, testimonianze e momenti di studio, soprattutto nelle scuole. Nei 17 anni trascorsi dalla istituzione del Giorno della memoria, dobbiamo registrare un duplice indietreggiamento: circa le modalità della celebrazione, le cerimonie e le testimonianze prevalgono ancora sul lavoro di approfondimento storico che pure tanti insegnanti svolgono nelle scuole con grande serietà e impegno.
In secondo luogo, il carattere inclusivo della legge si è progressivamente impoverito e depotenziato: come denuncia nell’acuto e stimolante saggio “Contro il Giorno della Memoria” Elena Loewenthal, se le categorie di vittime da ricordare si sono ridotte a quella razziale, dunque agli ebrei, questi ultimi sono diventati quasi gli unici destinatari delle celebrazioni stesse. “Concepito e nato per ricordare l’orrore che l’Europa ha visto e annidato negli anni Quaranta del secolo scorso, il GdM è diventato ben presto una specie di (postumo) atto di omaggio agli ebrei sterminati. Una ricorrenza non introspettiva, bensì transitiva…La memoria deve servire a tutt’altro. A educare nella direzione opposta. A divulgare il male per tenersene lontani. A riconoscere quella storia come propria. Italiana. Altro che ebraica… La memoria della Shoah è di tutti gli altri fuorchè degli ebrei…”. Tale riduzione implica almeno due conseguenze gravi: la tendenza a utilizzare la testimonianza dei sopravvissuti come fonte privilegiata di trasmissione della memoria e dunque di estrapolare la Shoah dal contesto storico che l’ha generata idealizzandola, sacralizzandola e rendendola così irriconoscibile sotto altre spoglie e, in secondo luogo, porre sullo sfondo la deportazione politica, civile e militare, affievolendo sino a dissolverla la memoria dell’antifascismo dunque delle responsabilità e complicità del fascismo nella deportazione e nella Shoah. Attribuendo tutta la responsabilità ai tedeschi si salva il luogo comune degli Italiani brava gente. La memoria condivisa della Shoah passa dunque per una damnatio memoriae dell’antifascismo e dei suoi caduti. Come suggerisce Anna Rossi Doria, occorre pensare storicamente La Shoah, avvalendosi della testimonianza come di una fonte storica privilegiata. Se il Giorno della memoria non è rivolto all’Europa intera perché capisca che quella memoria la riguarda, fa parte della sua storia, il ritornello “mai più” risulta un appello vuoto di senso. Quale unica storica dell’arte nel drappello dei redattori del Calendario civile ho ricordato l’iniziativa artistica degli Stolpersteine, i sampietrini della memoria posti difronte alle abitazioni dei deportati, recanti il loro nome, data di nascita, data di deportazione e di morte. Dedicati a tutte le vittime, dunque ebrei, politici,militari, rom, sinti, omosessuali, disegnano una mappa urbana che visualizza la dimensione della resistenza antifascista in ogni quartiere della città e della caccia all’uomo effettuata di concerto da fascisti e tedeschi. Discreti, quasi invisibili, sono estremamente inquietanti perché ci ricordano quotidianamente ciò che è stato, impedendo negazionismi, revisionismi, comode rimozioni. Peccato che si tratti dell’unico esemplare di memoriale presente nell’intero calendario: credo invece che le testimonianze materiali e soprattutto il dibattito che le motiva siano un supporto fondamentale alla trattazione storica. Pensiamo alla strage di Bologna del 2 agosto 1980, alle discussioni sull’orologio, sulla targa nella sala d’aspetto, sulla decisione, che personalmente ritengo inopportuna, di collocare nella stazione il memoriale alla Shoah. E, ancor prima, al Mausoleo dedicato all’eccidio delle Fosse Ardeatine, a come la disposizione in circuito dei singoli episodi naturali, artistici e architettonici aiuti a immedesimarsi nel tragico percorso seguito dalle vittime dal loro arrivo nel piazzale al luogo dell’eterno riposo.
Il Giorno del ricordo, il 10 febbraio, è istituito al fine di “conservare e rinnovare la memoria della tragedia degli italiani e di tutte le vittime delle foibe, dell’esodo dalle loro terre degli istriani, fiumani e dalmati nel secondo dopoguerra”: questo il testo telegrafico della Legge.
Tanto quello sul Giorno della Memoria è dettagliato, preciso e inclusivo nel nominare vittime e persecutori, tanto quello del Giorno del Ricordo è evasivo, con un riferimento temporale generico come il secondo dopoguerra, con un riferimento altrettanto generico a italiani e profughi senza indicare la loro appartenenza politica prima, durante e dopo la guerra. Fortemente voluta, come bene spiega il redattore Raul Pupo, dalle forze del centro-destra come contraltare del Giorno della Memoria, il Giorno del Ricordo squarcia certamente il velo su una vicenda che per quieto vivere e per rapporti di buon vicinato ha fatto comodo sia agli italiani sia agli jugoslavi rimuovere per ben 50 anni – quelle che Pupo chiama “rimozioni incrociate”. Di nuovo, come nel caso del Giorno della memoria, rimuovere gli orrori dell’occupazione italiana tra il 1941 e il 1943 ha consentito di avvalorare il mito degli “Italiani brava gente”, mentre agli jugoslavi ha fatto comodo rimuovere la responsabilità delle foibe e ai 300.000 esuli giuliano-dalmati tacere sul loro vissuto nel momento in cui cercavano faticosamente una integrazione in Italia. Il Giorno del Ricordo origina da una volontà di pacificazione nazionale, di una “memoria condivisa” tra tutti gli italiani, e come tale è stata e continua ad essere gestita. Non a caso Pupo pone come abbrivio e come approdo del suo testo due episodi conciliatori: l’incontro del 1998 tra l’on. Fini del MSI e il presidente della Camera Pds Luciano Violante a Trieste e, il 20 luglio 2010, sempre a Trieste, quello tra il Presidente Napolitano, il Presidente sloveno e quello croato, per “pacificare” controversie sorte con l’affacciarsi, spiega Pupo, di “memorie negate” legate a identità nazionali in cerca di riconoscimento e come tali spesso divisive e competitive. Nella sua dotta trattazione Pupo, nel riconoscere l’importanza dell’istituzione della legge per salvare quella che chiama una “memoria a rischio”, non risparmia critiche alla sua gestione, alle sue rimozioni, all’insistenza mediatica sulle foibe, invocando invece l’approfondimento della storia del confine orientale, di cui il coinvolgimento degli Istituti per la storia del movimento di liberazione è già un passo importante. C’è una frase di Pupo che credo tutti quelli che si occupano di memoria dovrebbero tenere bene a mente: “Pubblico disinteresse e timidezze storiografiche costituiscono un terreno fertile per le patologie della memoria”.
Nei due appuntamenti sin qui considerati, dunque, la pacificazione nazionale comporta una sorta di mutilazione, di rimozione storica sul ruolo e le responsabilità dei fascisti che, sottolinea Gad Lerner, hanno continuato a godere di impunità nelle istituzioni repubblicane.
9 maggio. Il Comma 1 dell’ art. 1 specifica che si tratta del “Giorno della memoria di tutte le vittime del terrorismo, interno e internazionale, e delle stragi di tale matrice”, mentre il comma 2 spiega che “possono essere organizzate, senza nuovi o maggiori oneri a carico della finanza pubblica, manifestazioni pubbliche, cerimonie, incontri, momenti comuni di ricordo dei fatti e di riflessione, anche nelle scuole di ogni ordine e grado, al fine di conservare, rinnovare e costruire una memoria storica condivisa in difesa delle istituzioni democratiche”. Se dunque la Legge distingue tra omicidi dei singoli ed eccidi di massa, la memoria condivisa diventa obiettivo dichiarato della Legge.
A proposito dell’art.1, l’autrice Benedetta Tobagi compie una disamina attenta e anche critica sulla scelta del Giorno e sulle sue implicazioni. L’uccisione di Moro, certamente esito di un atto di terrorismo, non è a suo avviso rappresentativa delle diverse forme dei terrorismi in Italia tra il 1969 e il 1988, tra piazza Fontana e l’omicidio Ruffilli. In primo luogo perché pone l’enfasi sul terrorismo di sinistra, sulle Brigate Rosse, mettendo in secondo piano le tante uccisioni e stragi di matrice fascista rimaste impunite, da Milano a Brescia a Bologna. In secondo luogo, perché il 9 maggio coincide con la morte di una vittima “eccellente”, e come tale rischia di oscurare le tante vittime comuni, quasi di serie B, del terrorismo. Un’obiezione affacciata anche da Vanessa Roghi a proposito della strage del 2 agosto 1980 a Bologna, su cui ha scritto. Tobagi accenna alla proposta avanzata da Rifondazione comunista in fase di discussione della legge, di assumere come data alternativa il 12 dicembre, una strage e non un omicidio, matrice di tutte le stragi successive, rimasta, come le altre, impunita. La scelta avrebbe comportato però non solo il riconoscimento della matrice fascista della strage, ormai acclarata, ma soprattutto il coinvolgimento di ampi settori dello Stato nell’azione criminale.
A proposito del comma 2 relativo alle modalità delle celebrazioni, Tobagi ricorda come la prima cerimonia ufficiale per le vittime del terrorismo abbia avuto luogo al Quirinale il 9 maggio 2008, a 30 anni dalla morte di Moro; lì Napolitano ha indicato le due direzioni per le celebrazioni successive: omaggio alle vittime, qualunque esse siano, e capacità di tenuta della democrazia.
Per le stragi, invece, l’appuntamento inaugurale è stato l’anno successivo, in occasione del quarantesimo anniversario della strage alla Banca Nazionale dell’Agricoltura di Milano. Napolitano ha invitato per l’occasione sia Licia Pinelli sia Gemma Calabresi, una iniziativa atta “a ricucire un paese lacerato” , come la stessa Tobagi ha titolato un suo intervento in proposito. Su quell’incontro, che ha evidentemente attirato una forte attenzione mediatica, è interessante confrontare i giudizi antitetici di due redattori del calendario, Tobagi, appunto, e Gad Lerner, cui è stata affidata la data del 12 dicembre. Un confronto utile per sottolineare un grande pregio di questo calendario, e cioè il suo carattere polifonico, l’intenzione non di conciliare ma di ospitare e rispettare posizioni diametralmente opposte, purchè nell’ambito di una “memoria laica, popolare e democratica”. Aldilà dei toni, pacato ed equilibrato quello di Tobagi, appassionato, coinvolto e settario quello di Lerner, Tobagi plaude al discorso di Napolitano che ha voluto da un lato rendere omaggio alla figura di un innocente, “vittima due volte”, dei sospetti prima e dell’”assurda” morte poi, dall’altro rompere il silenzio su una ferita non separabile da quella dei 17 che persero la vita a piazza Fontana e, come tale, rimasta impunita. Un passaggio importante, anticipato da quello compiuto nel 2007 dal libro “Spingere la notte più in là” di Mario Calabresi, per ricucire gli strappi tra le due Italie, nella direzione di una “pietas condivisa, oltre le divisioni ideologiche, nell’alveo comune di istituzioni repubblicane, finalmente capaci di fare esplicitamente ammenda sulle aberrazioni compiute”, secondo Tobagi.
Di tutt’altro avviso, lungi da ogni mitezza, è la posizione di Lerner su quell’incontro, con il quale apre il suo testo sul 12 dicembre. Lerner, che non fa colpevolmente cenno alla riabilitazione di Pinelli compiuta da Napolitano, parla di “falsificazione melensa della realtà”, di volontà di “edulcorare una vicenda cruenta e senza esclusione di colpi”, resa possibile dal fallimento delle inchieste della magistratura che, pur riconoscendo la matrice di destra della strage, non ha mai condannato i colpevoli. Lo sdegno di Lerner, che contesta molte ipotesi sostenute da Mario Calabresi, come la presunta quasi amicizia tra Pinelli e Calabresi, arriva al punto di discutere l’opportunità di inserire una “data così controversa” in un calendario civile. Anziché ricucire, Lerner rigira il coltello nelle piaghe aperte tra le due Italie, quella delle vittime e quella dei carnefici. “L’umanità fragile delle vedove diventava opaca coltre protettiva distesa su una vicenda prolungatasi nell’ingiustizia”: questo il suo giudizio perentorio su quell’incontro pacificatorio.
Si tratta di due posizioni diametralmente opposte sul tema centrale affacciato dalle tre date prese in considerazione e più un generale da un calendario civile: la “memoria condivisa” della storia nazionale, per usare un termine sin troppo abusato. E’ difficile, almeno per me, riconoscersi pienamente in una delle due posizioni. Pur infastidita dai toni eccessivi di Lerner, di primo acchitto, forse anche per la trascorsa comune militanza politica, sarei propensa a condividere lo sdegno per ciò che non è stato fatto più che il compiacimento per i passi compiuti sulla via della pacificazione, ben consapevole dei danni che l’omologazione globalizzata continua a produrre sulle capacità di critica e di reazione alle atrocità e alle ingiustizie che vengono perpetrate nel mondo.
Di contro, il testo coraggioso di Calabresi lascia aperto lo spiraglio di una possibile condivisione della memoria a patto che la conoscenza e il riconoscimento della verità storica vengano parimenti condivisi, scongiurando rimozioni e mutilazioni.
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